My Caste Identity: An Account of the Good, the Bad and the Ugly
Unequal distribution of labour power has always resulted in discriminatory practices separating communities and societies across time and space. Needless to say, the Indian subcontinent was not immune to this fact. India has had a history with caste, which is exclusively documented in the ancient text, Manusmriti as well as its manifestations that emerged over time and eventually came to be accepted by the society at large. However, it is important to note that even though it was essentially a division of labour, the caste system today need not have the same characteristics, as it did some hundred years ago or even before that. Caste today is about a specific hierarchical system of social stratification that gives certain castes leverage over others, creating the basis of unequal social relations that most often favours those that are in a better position of power (in the context of caste). Moreover, the colonial influences over the inheritance of the caste system cannot be ignored when in fact, it was these influences that created new sects and communities within the already existing ones owing to its complex nature in contemporary times.
In this article, I will attempt to analyse a particular division within caste while revisiting my own experiences and attempt to devise a bi-directional relationship and synergy between the two.
Unlike most people, I can trace back my roots to the place I was born and brought up in, Vasai, previously known as Bassein, a scenic town to the north of Mumbai in the Konkan strip of Maharashtra. By the Treaty of Bassein in 1534, the Portuguese acquired the province of Bassein and the dawn of an era of mass religious conversions commenced. The new converts from Bassein, Salsette and Thana (Thane) came to be known as the East Indians to distinguish them from the Goans and Mangaloreans. There is a division of groups even in the East Indian sect based on the occupation of the people. The Kolis engaged in fishery, while the Vadvals were agriculturists managing ‘Vadis’ or agricultural fields among other subsects. (Rodricks, 2020). My grandfather is a farmer, more specifically, he engages in floriculture, and hence, my family falls under the Vadval subsect. The agricultural land my grandfather owns is an ancestral property that has been passed down in the family for at least three generations, which indicates that agriculture as an occupation has also been around for generations in my family.
It is very easy to determine the subsect of an East Indian family by their language since each such subsect speaks a different dialect of the Marathi language. Incidentally I knew mine too, however, I wanted to know more about my caste that fell in line with the Indian caste system, which meant I had to dig deeper, even before the arrival of the Portuguese. I had limited prospects, so I began with identifying the farmer castes, the Kurmis, Kunbis, Koeris, and Malis. (Bhattacharya, 1986, pp. 270-277) What I thought would be a Herculean task turned out to be much easier. My mother provided me with the answer in the most nonchalant way possible. Initially denying that we had a caste, I got my answer upon asking various follow-up questions. To back it up, I also got a similar answer from my grandfather. And Voila! It seems I had a caste after all. My family belongs to the Kunbi community, more specifically the Maratha-Kunbi community, owing to the fact that we are residents of Maharashtra. Kunbis are lower caste agriculturists or the ‘clean agricultural caste’ as Bhattacharya calls it. (Bhattacharya, 1986, pp. 270) Upon further research, I came across the fact that the Vadval community of the East Indians is made up of converted Hindus from the Kunbi, Koli, and other farming and fishing communities, which further strengthened my findings. (Nighoskar, 2020)
The Kunbis can be distinguished from other farmer castes on the basis of agricultural produce. Staple food grains like rice and wheat, etc. were traditionally produced by the Kunbis, however, alterations in the traditional practices as a result of various external influences like colonization and a significant drop in caste-based occupations are evident today. The same was true in my own family. My grandfather’s grandfather grew food grains, however, today, my grandfather grows flowers on the same land. In the following section, I will be discussing what these changes mean to me today and their influences on my life and values.
When the beef ban was introduced in Maharashtra in 2015, there were mixed opinions. Hindus favoured the decision, whereas people who were dependent on the beef trade for their livelihood, as well as those who considered it as food, were opposed to it, namely, Christians and Muslims. However, my family didn’t face any particular effect and in contrast to popular belief that Christians consume beef, I myself never had. Would I ever consume it? I don’t think so. Can I say the same about pork? No. Pork is something I have been consuming for as long as I can remember, but the same is not true when it came to beef. The answer to this differentiation is ‘tradition’. Pigs were traditionally reared for consumption by the East Indians back in the day, however, cows/ buffaloes were never considered as food. The way I see it, this could be mainly because the Vadval community evolved from the Kunbi caste, and cows/ buffaloes play an important role in farming leading to a preferred avoidance of consuming beef. And that has stayed with us, although we no longer practice farming with the cattle today.
Similarly, even though the East Indians identify themselves as Christians, there are a lot of traditions that overlap with the Hindu community which when observed carefully come to the forefront. For example, a distinct feature of the East Indian weddings is that along with the exchange of rings, the groom puts on the Mangal Sutra around the bride’s neck, a touch that is popularly seen in Hindu weddings. When it comes to funerals, wearing white is the norm, whereas our Christian counterparts in the West might disagree on the colour (black is the norm there), the practice of burying the dead is common. What is important to note is that Hindus have been wearing white on funerals for a long time, and the Christian converts have been following this tradition for generations now.
I also see a distinction when it comes to the language we speak. It is a dialect of Marathi that incorporates some Portuguese and Konkani words and is clearly distinguishable from all three. Although in my family, none of my cousins, including me, can speak the mentioned tongue. It could possibly be because we were all taught the more mainstream Marathi. This could very well be seen as a weakening of the linguistic ethnic identity, which is an observable trait among minorities of all natures today.
Although I don’t particularly love gardening, my relationship with farming goes way back, as long as seven or more generations. I always thought myself lucky to be able to see and feel for myself the marvels of nature. Of holding a flower in my hand and feeling so connected with it, of being able to taste the sweet fruits grown so carefully by my grandfather. And at times looking at his dejected face after experiencing the pain and loss when a crop goes bad, or a cyclone hits unheralded. The ‘vadi’ is a product of extreme love and hard work and heartbreak and I think myself fortunate to be able to experience every single moment of it. I have inherited the love for nature as a result of my upbringing owing to my caste identity.
There is hardly any stratification according to caste in the East Indian community. However, there are other factors at play that replace caste-based discrimination among the different subcastes. When it comes to marriages, although inter-caste marriages are common, there is still a lot of hesitation within the different subcastes; not because of the social standing of the castes, but because everything from the language to the food to the attire changes within the different East Indian sub-castes. Another reason could be that there is a certain ethnocentric ideology within every sub-caste making it difficult for individuals to accept a new one. To give an example, there is a certain recipe of a vegetable curry made of locally grown beans (called vaal) which is common in both Samavadi Christians (Kupari) and Vadvals. However, the Kuparis prefer it sweet, while the Vadvals who like it savory frown at the sweet taste. So when it comes to inter-caste marriage, finding a balance becomes a herculean task. Decisions are made regarding which traditions to follow, how to hold the reception, the attire of the bride and groom, etc. Hence, within the community, there is no history of social stratification based on caste, however, often a stratification based on the economic standing of a family becomes evident.
With the migration of the Goan Catholics in the 19th and 20th centuries, the local inhabitants of Bombay, the East Indians had to compete to retain their original cultural identities. The Goans who migrated were often of higher social standing than the East Indians who were Christian converts of the lower castes. The impacted families often belonged to the lower economic strata in the society, mainly from the East Indian community. This conflict between the two seemingly similar yet very different communities famously came to be known as the Padroado-Propaganda dispute. (Faria & Mendiratta, 2018, pp. 45) Even today, the Goans have a higher social standing in the society given the fact that they engage in the “economically forward” activities whereas most of the East Indians are involved in the primary economic activities like farming and fisheries, etc.
Additionally, the East Indian community is also subjected to discrimination in the larger Indian society. As a result of the religious conversions, many Indian families came to adopt Portuguese family names. Subsequently, the East Indian community is often subjected to racial prejudice. For instance, my friend who belongs to the same community as me was once asked if he really was an Indian, and if he was then why didn’t he have an “Indian” name. Such instances are aplenty, wherein the East Indians despite being inhabitants of India are discriminated against and treated as the “other” in their own land.
When it came to categorization, the Christian converts of the East Indian community were mainly from the lower castes who engaged in farming, fishing, and salt-making. (Nair, 2018) According to that logic, the East Indian community should have fallen under the OBC category, however, they are still counted under the broad category of Christians. No special provisions for their upliftment were made and their homogenizing into the much mainstream Christianity has posed a threat of the disappearance of a long-standing cultural history. The East Indians previously were eligible to get the OBC status, however, most of the baptism certificates today classify all the East Indians into the broader category of Roman Catholics along with Goans and Mangaloreans, making it almost impossible to get the actual background of a particular family. There was an attempt to tackle this particular issue by conducting a population count. However, it was almost impossible to get such detailed data and the movement fell through. In my personal opinion, although there are certain sub-sects within the East Indian community who would benefit from the OBC status, it is not acutely necessary and I believe they do have the potential to prosper regardless of a backward status.
Throughout my life, I had never experienced evident caste-based discrimination. And being a Christian brought a lot of advantages, one of them being the complete dismissal of caste-based bigotry (in my case at least). Subsequently, I have embraced this new caste identity of mine and the values that come with it. Growing up, I have watched my grandfather working hard in the fields and often helped him plant saplings in the summer breaks. And the feelings associated with it are a strong indicator of my caste identity.
Paradoxically, today, as a result of many interacting factors, there is a weakening of the East Indian ethnic identity. This can be attributed to social, political, and cultural threats. The language, the values, and the traditions are fading at a faster rate, giving a practical basis to Spencer's theory widely recognized as Social Darwinism, with a basis in natural selection and the survival of the fittest of races, can also be applied to culture and languages and ideologies, etc. It implies that cultures are bound to change and be replaced as society develops and redevelops. It is seen in the case of the East Indian culture, that the language and traditional practices and rituals are slowly waning as a result of external as well as internal changes in thought. What it means for the future of the East Indians is not certain yet, however, till then, one thing is for sure, I will continue exploring my identity and analyze the influences of my caste and culture on making me the person I am today.
References:
Albert, R., Schneeweis, A., & Knobbe, I. (2005). Strengthening, Hiding or Relinquishing Ethnic Identity in Response to Threat: Implications for Intercultural Relations. Intercultural Communication Studies, XIV. https://www-s3-live.kent.edu/s3fs-root/s3fs-public/file/09-Rosita-Albert-Adina-Schneeweis-Iva-Knobbe.pdf
Bhattacharya, J. N. (1986). Hindu castes and sects : an exposition of the origin of the Hindu caste system and the bearing of the sects towards each other and towards other religious systems / Jogendra Nath Bhattacharya. Wellcome Collection. https://wellcomecollection.org/works/euyvykcf/items?canvas=299
D'Silva, R. D. (1994). SHIP-BUILDING IN PORTUGUESE BASSEIN (SUMMARY). Indian History Congress, 55, 412-413 (2 pages). https://www.jstor.org/stable/44143384
Faria, A. S., & Mendiratta, S. L. (2018). Goans and East-Indians: A Negotiated Catholic Presence in Bombay’s Urban Space. Journal of Portuguese Diaspora Studies, 7. https://research.unl.pt/ws/portalfiles/portal/5676621/1152_273_1064_1_PB.pdf
Nair, M. R. (2018, February 12). Why Mumbai’s native Christians are doing a population count. Hindustan Times. https://www.hindustantimes.com/mumbai-news/why-mumbai-s-native-christians-are-doing-a-population-count/story-fnHeRTmoVyrXJhd4HSBVQN.html
Nighoskar, D. (2020, November 30). East Indian Community of Mumbai. Sahapedia. https://www.sahapedia.org/east-indian-community-of-mumbai-0
Rodricks, R. (2020, November 30). A Sociological Study of the East Indian Community of Mumbai. Sahapedia. https://www.sahapedia.org/sociological-study-of-the-east-indian-community-of-mumbaihttps://www.colonialvoyage.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/
https://news.cornell.edu/
Comments
Post a Comment