Reflections on Caste: Creating My Identity

Marfua Pirzada 

SYBA

I identify as a Muslim and am from the Sayyed Kokni family, from Kalyan. My personal caste connection escaped me during the first ten years of my existence, and the idea of the caste system remained cloaked in mystery. The ideals of steadfast opposition to all types of discrimination, with a focus on eliminating disparities based on social class and caste distinctions, were values that my parents always upheld. I gained a deeper grasp of the many complexities that come with different caste identities as I grew older, which also helped me to have a better appreciation of the caste system's function in Indian culture.

I can trace my ancestry back to the Sayyed family, which is regarded as descended directly from the Prophet Muhammad (SAW), establishing our kinship with the illustrious Banu Hashim dynasty. Thus, our nomenclature has two special elements: 'Sayyed', which comes before our given name, and 'Pirzada,' which denotes a saint's offspring. A thorough investigation of this issue has revealed information about the connections between Pirzada families in Pakistan and India, the majority of whom have Sayyed ancestry that can be traced to a common progenitor. Notably, Nuruddin Pirzada, a Mughal courtier at the Nurmahal Serai located in Nurmahal, Punjab. He was the first Pirzada in our family history to be recorded. We feel some kind of familial tie to him. 

The ancestry of my paternal and maternal sides differs noticeably from one another. My paternal ancestry, in particular, did not begin as Koknis. My father claims that our family has lived in Kalyan, which is in the Kokan region, for a considerable amount of time spanning three to four centuries. The acquisition of this cultural identity was successful, and the marriages between our family and the Farids served as proof of our absorption into Kokni society. This intermarried relationship made it easier for people to recognize that we are Koknis. Thus, the entire family gradually absorbed into the Kokni cultural fabric and came to be known as Koknis. 

 The caste system in India historically derives its stratification from occupations as well as ancestry. An instructive example is my paternal grandmother, who comes from a Kazi Kokni family in Bhiwandi. She was in possession of licenses for cotton mills that were registered in her name; this was a field that was typically managed by members of the 'Julaha' (weaver) caste, a subset of the Other Backward Classes (OBCs). It is important to stress that she was not born into this caste lineage .But because she owned the license of these mills, one of my uncles was able to effectively negotiate with the Julaha tribe and obtain our family a caste certificate. This certificate serves as a concrete representation of caste's original, intimately tied relationship to job roles. My grandmother's license of the cotton mills and the acknowledgement of her descendants are both requirements for receiving this caste certificate. 

Islam's structure is centered on the idea of equality, which strongly forbids caste-based prejudice in any form. It is interesting that Sayyeds once enjoyed elevated status comparable to that of members of upper castes. Sayyeds had preferential treatment in many elements of social life, even in ceremonial actions like the distribution of laddoos at weddings, when they received two instead of one.

My Nana was a religious scholar who believed that such distinctions called for discouragement. Proactive steps were taken inside our family to achieve this goal. In order to reduce the possibility of prejudice against other people, the practice of adding "Sayyed" before our names was stopped. In a similar spirit, it is noteworthy that, with the exception of one paternal uncle, no one in my family has ever used the caste certificate declaring us as OBC. Our collective opposition to the caste system and the freedom to choose not to take advantage of the advantages brought about by such a certificate served as the foundation for this option. 

Through numerous generations of female heirs, a steadfast Kokni identity has been preserved within the confines of my maternal ancestry. Belonging to the Madoo Kokni community in Bhiwandi was my maternal grandma. Trade contacts with the local population were started by Arab traders. This interaction helped Islam spread gradually throughout the Kokan region throughout time. After establishing their presence in the region, the Arab traders entered into marriage connections with Kokni women, resulting in the fusion of both cultures. Thus, my maternal grandmother represents a tribute to the rich cultural diversity that characterizes the Kokan region as a descendent of this unusual ancestry. 

The impact of my Sayyed caste identification on my life is still remarkably subtle in the modern setting. On the other hand, my ties to the Kokni community have a more noticeable effect on how I live my life. Although I have Kokni ancestors, my personal preferences do not entirely reflect the Kokni way of life.

Living in a neighborhood where Koknis are the majority, our community's unique culinary heritage plays a major role. This culinary custom involves the painstaking preparation of dishes with rice, fish, and prawns, with a preference for dried fish. Fish is typically chosen over fowl like chicken.

My gastronomic preferences, however, are different from those of a normal Kokni. I have a strong preference for chicken, therefore when given the option of white chicken or fish biryani, I almost always choose the former. Additionally, I do not share the general excitement for dried fish, a preference that occasionally generates the comment that one cannot be regarded as a true Kokni without a respect for this particular delicacy. I don't let this observation bother me because I'm happy with my culinary decisions.

The Kokni language, which is a Marathi dialect and is primarily used by older generations in our community, is significant historically. However, its utilization in the modern environment has significantly decreased, especially among the younger population. I can't speak Kokni, and I can't understand it when someone else does. The change in our family's primary language from Kokni to Urdu illustrates how cultural identities can change over time.

Matrimonial unions with individuals from outside the tribe have historically been met with opposition and condemnation within the Kokni community. Notably, my grandfather, a pioneer in this field, helped arrange my aunt's union with a Non-Kokni. Even while such inter-community unions are now more commonly accepted, prejudices still exist. Even though he is superior to many other men in my society, it is possible that if I marry a Non-Kokni, my husband will not be treated on a level with someone from the same group.

Islam has provided women with a lot of rights. However, societal norms often discourage women from attaining their rights. My family has been very supportive of me which has made me privileged enough to get a good education and to grow. As despite whatever the society says, my religion does encourage everyone irrespective of gender to get education. 

It is disappointing to see that Non-Koknis are referred to using pejorative terms like “bangadde log” by the Koknis. Although I am friends with people outside the group, there are still  disapproving looks, as shown by the social criticism leveled at my friendship with a Bengali Muslim. These encounters highlight the complexities and difficulties involved in bridging conventional communal borders.

Despite the fact that others might view my caste identity largely through the perspective of my Kokni ancestry, I have love and attachment for Punjabi culture. Which in a way makes me a Punjabi by heart. It is a difficult task to embrace a cultural shift when one was not naturally raised in it. My grandmother also expresses some  ancestral connection with the place/culture . My personal ties to Punjab are still strong, which is a reflection of the complex dynamics of cultural identity and change. In accordance with this, my dad has been very caring about my choices and had planned a trip to Punjab just for me which was a memorable experience. 

It is undeniable that I have advantages in relation to caste dynamics in a number of ways. It is remarkable that my family does not operate a family-owned business, in contrast to many Koknis. The Kokni community takes pride in the fact that domestic help frequently comes from outside of our own group. People in our community who are struggling financially frequently diversify their careers and businesses. Many women use their culinary talents to support their homes. However, it is noteworthy that Koknis typically do not look for work in other people's homes.

My family hires domestic assistance from a variety of religious and caste backgrounds. We share meals and engage in conversation with them without any imposed restrictions, and discrimination based on any such factor is completely forbidden. It is regrettable that some households, based on an idea of inequity, continue to establish an artificial divide between themselves and their domestic assistance. The availability of domestic help for making rotis in almost every home is a common privilege among Koknis. I, along with other Kokni women from Kalyan, are in a better situation than those from Ratnagiri and Murud Janjira in this regard. I've learnt from the experiences of Kokni women who have married into those communities that they frequently carry a heavy load of housekeeping, including making larger quantities of dishes all by themselves. In my culture, girls and women typically have more independence and autonomy in their daily lives. The regional differences and chances for empowerment within the Kokni group are highlighted by this mismatch.

I have made an effort to only include information that is credible. It is important to note that there are a lot of conjectures and unproven theories about our Sayyed Pirzada genealogy, which makes it more challenging to comprehend. The materials that can be used to do in-depth study into my caste affiliation, particularly in the context of my family, are still somewhat scarce. However, the evidence at hand closely matches the personal details and stories that have been passed down through the centuries.

I've come across many things that influence my identity as I've sought to understand my place in my caste and community. These components include my ethnic background, personal preferences, family history, and the impact of society conventions. My personal analysis and judgment of my place within my caste and society are as follows:

I consider myself to be a Sayyed Kokni, but as I learn more about my family's past, I've grown to understand the complex nature of caste identification in India. Our shift from a largely Kokni identification to a more inclusive Muslim identity demonstrates how these connections can change over time. The difficulties of integrating into Punjabi culture draws attention to the conflict between my personal preferences and societal norms.

To sum up, my standing within my caste and society strikes a compromise between custom and changing tastes. I am proud of my Sayyed Kokni background but I also appreciate other cultures. Family history demonstrates caste volatility, the effects of marriage, and adaptation difficulties. The rarity of recordings emphasizes complexity. Discussions make clear the complexities of caste, adaptable culture, regional influence, and normative difficulties. My voyage sheds light on both the Kokni community and India's varied identities, emphasizing their dynamic character.

References:

The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica. (1998, July 20). Sayyid | Middle Eastern, Islamic, descendant. Encyclopedia Britannica.

 https://www.britannica.com/topic/sayyid

Admin. (2021, November 5). Konkani Muslims in Kalyan. Muslims of India. https://muslimsofindia.com/2021/11/05/konkani-muslims-in-kalyan/

Newby, G. D. (2002). A Concise Encyclopedia of Islam. Oneworld Publications. https://openlibrary.org/books/OL8971559M/A_Concise_Encyclopedia_of_Islam